COP28 agreed that countries must submit new NDCs by February 2025. These national plans for climate action are important but at present military emissions are largely absent from them. As Linsey Cottrell finds, failing to include them this year could delay their inclusion until 2030.
UNEA-6’s adoption of a Ukrainian resolution could help reinvigorate UNEP’s work on conflicts and create much-needed guidance for states and others stakeholders on assessing conflict-linked environmental damage.
Militaries are increasingly publishing climate mitigation strategies, so we’ve developed checklists to evaluate them. In this post Linsey Cottrell introduces the checklists, and also compares military decarbonisation with another challenging sector: healthcare.
In this post, Linsey Cottrell explore whether it is credible for states to refuse to report their military emissions on the grounds of national security.
Ellie Kinney reflects on the role that militaries played in COP28, whether behind closed doors, centre stage, or by their absence, and on the prospects for international action on military and conflict emissions at COP29.
Why we are launching the Conflict and Environment Academic Network (CEAN) – a new community for academics and researchers engaged in the environmental monitoring and assessment of armed conflicts.
Ahead of arriving in Dubai for COP28, Ellie Kinney outlines the key topics and trends at the intersection between climate change, conflicts and peace. As global military emissions rise, and with new and protracted conflicts capturing international attention, how is this impacting climate diplomacy?
The European Parliament has called for the closure of the military emissions gap ahead of COP28 after three amendments on military emissions reporting and decarbonisation were included in its annual climate summit resolution.
